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Rabu, 16 Mei 2012

Law review: Texas executed wrong Carlos based on biasing eyewitness procedures

A new e-book published by a law journal argues that Texas probably executed an innocent man in 1989, and predictably the potential cause was reliance on a single, shaky eyewitness to obtain a conviction after police allegedly picked up the wrong "Carlos." According to the Houston Chronicle:
Accounts of the crime, the investigation and DeLuna's prosecution were presented in a 400-page article published Tuesday in the Columbia Human Rights Law Review. Columbia University Law School authors argue that the crime actually was committed by Carlos Hernandez, a DeLuna acquaintance with a history of convenience store robberies. Hernandez, the article says, boasted of killing the store clerk

DeLuna was executed by injection in 1989. Hernandez died in prison, convicted of a knife attack on a female acquaintance, in 1999.

Of four people who saw events connected to the crime, only one, car salesman Kevan Baker, saw Lopez struggle with her assailant, the journal article says. Baker initially described a man who did not resemble DeLuna but changed his story after police brought DeLuna to the store.

Baker later told researchers he was only 70 percent sure of his identification, the journal says. Had police not told him DeLuna had been apprehended nearby, he would have been only 50 percent certain, he said.
A retired Corpus Christi police detective said confidential informants told him at the time they'd arrested the wrong "Carlos" for the crime, but after the eyewitness picked out DeLuna he dropped the issue because it was somebody else's case.

The Chronicle pointed out that new procedures Texas law-enforcement agencies must have in place by September 1 may mitigate such questionable IDs going forward, which is true at least to the extent departments adopt best practices enshrined in the recently developed model policy or something close to it:
Legislative sponsors of a law tightening procedures for police lineups on Tuesday faulted Corpus Christi police for allowing eyewitnesses in a 1983 convenience store robbery-murder to identify the suspect as he sat handcuffed in the back seat of a squad car.

State Sen.  Rodney Ellis, D-Houston, and Rep. Pete Gallego, D-Alpine, stopped short of claiming Texas wrongfully executed suspect Carlos DeLuna for the February 1983 murder of store clerk Wanda Lopez.
Gallego, however, said the way Corpus Christi police handled the suspect's identification was a "textbook example" of why the system needs to be reformed.

"What appears to be very faulty eyewitness identification was the main evidence used to reach a conviction in this case," Ellis said in an email.

"... The chief witness appears to have gone back and forth on how certain he was that Mr. DeLuna was the culprit. You cannot have this level of uncertainty in death penalty cases."
The Law Enforcement Management Institute of Texas (LEMIT) at Sam Houston State which developed the model policy is currently doing train the trainer seminars to help departments prepare for the transition.

One of the LEMIT policy provisions would require departments to record eyewitness identification sessions using either video or audio, or else record the reason why that couldn't be done. And the model policy instructs officers not to share information about the suspect with a witness that might bias their memory, as was done here. Those procedures certainly may have made a difference in DeLuna's case. It's doubtful even a Texas jury in 1983 would have been so bloodhirsty as to send a man to execution based on a witness who was "50 percent certain." Indeed, without having read the massive document, on the surface there seem to be (at least) two issues here: The failure of identification procedures and a possible Brady violation if prosecutors failed to inform the defense of the witness' waffling.

In the Bible, Moses, Jesus and the Apostle Paul all iterated that at least "two or three witnesses" were necessary to accuse someone under biblical law. DeLuna's example shows why that cautionary provision is probably still a good idea. Particularly when identifying strangers, eyewitnesses can be notoriously unreliable.

DeLuna joins a notable list of "probably nots" on Texas' executed list, notes the Chronicle: "Innocence Project co-director Barry Scheck hailed the journal article as a 'terrific job,' saying that the DeLuna case will join those of Cameron Willingham, Claude Jones and Ruben Cantu in forming a stern indictment of the Texas death penalty." Grits does not share Scheck's sanguine belief that demonstrating an innocent person has been executed would result in death-penalty abolition. Grimly, the public is willing to live with a few mistakes, but the list of potential, even probable errors is growing.

Kamis, 26 April 2012

Hannah Overton prosecutor on the dock

I wouldn't do justice to the recounting, so interested readers should see coverage by Texas Monthly's Pam Colloff, from John MacCormack at the San Antonio Express News, and Michelle Villareal at the Corpus Christi Caller Times of day three of an extraordinary evidentiary hearing in Hannah Overton's habeas corpus writ. Suffice it to summarize, once Overton's attorneys interrogated the prosecution team on the stand, prosecutorial misconduct allegations are back on the table, even though the Nueces DA's office had successfully chipped away at the allegation the day before. For convenience, here's Colloff's complete coverage of the evidentiary hearing for Overton's habeas writ so far:
At the Caller Times, Villareal is liveblogging today's events at the hearing.

Of course, this development only reinforces Grits' sense that the Governor should pardon Hannah Overton if her habeas petition fails.

Kamis, 09 Februari 2012

BSG (broke state government) seeking forensic mental health beds

Found in the want ads in the Houston Chronicle:
UT Health Science Center is hiring for positions including a psychiatrist, psychologists, nurses, hospital aides (psyc techs), social workers, nurse practitioners, physicians assistants, recreational therapists and a chaplain for two units they are opening in March 2012.

1. Adult Forensic Detention Unit at The University of Texas Harris County Psychiatric Center (UTHCPC): The forensic unit will treat mentally ill individuals with medicine, psychiatric and psychological treatment who have committed a criminal offense and are in jail awaiting trial.
Didn't know that was happening, but perhaps it will contribute to short-term relief with the shortage of "forensic beds" at state hospitals designated for competency restoration. Relatedly, at the Dallas News Somer Ingram had a story published February 6 discussing Judge Orlinda Naranjo's yet-to-be finalized ruling (pdf) on timely admission of inmates needing competency restoration into state hospitals, discussed on Grits here and here. The story ("State may be forced to find room for mentally ill inmates," behind paywall) opened:
The state could be scrambling to make room in medical facilities for hundreds of mentally incompetent prisoners after a judge ordered that they can no longer be housed long-term in county jails.

State District Judge Orlinda Naranjo of Austin is expected to soon finalize her ruling, requiring that inmates whose mental illness prohibits them from standing trial be moved to state psychiatric hospitals within 21 days of receiving the order to be committed. The ruling will force the already-underfunded Department of State Health Services to find room and money for these inmates.

The inmates have typically been ordered to get treatment at a state hospital to restore competency and be able to stand trial. But because there is a perpetual wait for the 800 hospital beds set aside for patients from jails, inmates are put on a “Clearinghouse List” and confined to county jails until space opens up in a state hospital.

Prisoners spent about six months in jail waiting for a bed in a psychiatric facility over the past two years, their mental states deteriorating even further without proper psychiatric care. In Dallas County, 77 inmates are waiting to be admitted to a state hospital. All have been waiting longer than the 21 days the new rules would require.

“Keeping incompetent pretrial criminal defendants confined in county jail for unreasonable periods of time prior to being admitted to a state mental health facility or residential health facility violates the incompetent detainees’ due process rights as guaranteed by the Texas Constitution,” Naranjo wrote last month, ruling against the state in a civil case.

Naranjo’s ruling comes as something of a wakeup call for the state, which has underfunded state hospitals for years and made jails de facto care facilities for the mentally ill. But finding space in the hospitals remains a challenge.

Experts worry that changing the rules with no additional funding will mean a greater share of hospital slots dedicated as “forensic beds” for inmates, and no room in state hospitals for patients who don’t come from the jail system.

Department of State Health Services spokeswoman Carrie Williams said the department is already looking at how it would logistically comply with the final order but hasn’t gotten far yet.

“The problem is that forensic beds don’t turn over very quickly because the lengths of stays can be quite long,” Williams said. “We are evaluating right now what resources we have, what options are available and what changes we might need to make. We’ll of course have to look at space and staff as well.”

The attorney general, representing the state, has not yet decided whether to appeal the decision.
This court ruling has been years in the making and is potentially a game changer, but it may also turn out to be a temporary "check" in a much larger chess match. How will the state comply? What happens if they don't? Will appellate courts (or for that matter judges in other jurisdictions) back Naranjo's order, which has statewide implications? (For that matter, I'm unclear whether the Court of Criminal Appeals would get the case or the Texas Supreme Court - I suspect the latter.) How many new forensic beds are needed to comply with the terms of her order¿Quien sabe? 

Though Naranjo enjoys the reputation in Austin as a moderately liberal judge, in many ways this is a classically small-government ruling, as borne out by the critical passage in which she concluded that "the nature and duration of commitment of the Incompetent Detainees bears no rational relationship to the purpose for which those detainees are committed and the relevant state interests do not outweigh the Incompetent Detainees' liberty interest." (Emphasis added.) In other words, the state can't hold an individual just out of convenience. Individuals' incarceration in the county jail must bear some "rational relationship to the purpose for which those detainees are committed." It's almost the kind of thing Barry Goldwater might have said.

Yet the state does have a rational interest in prosecuting crimes and ensuring, to the extent possible, that mentally ill defendants don't go on to harm others. But if the state wants to perform that function, says Naranjo, it must invest sufficiently in competency restoration infrastructure not to violate mentally ill defendants' constitutional rights, which in her view kick in after 21 days. Notably, the attorney for Disabilty Rights Texas, Beth Mitchell, told Grits she'd have preferred that the ruling require state hospitals to accept defendants immediately when courts declare them incompetent, which she said may typically happen within 7-8 days, but Judge Naranjo decided to give the state more leeway.

A table at the end of the Dallas News story shows Harris County with remarkably fewer inmates waiting long-term for beds than Dallas and some other large jurisdictions. Though unstated in the article, I'm told this is because of one simple, critical fact: Harris County doesn't wait to treat incompetent inmates until they're sent to the state hospital! They screen, identify and assess mentally ill defendants quite rapidly on the front end - as they're entering the jail. In particular, wherever possible, the jail identifies mentally ill inmates' medications through past jail records, prescription-drug databases, from their personal physicians, local clinics, etc., particularly for frequent flyers. Often the first steps toward competency restoration begin well before anyone issues a court order to that effect. The result: Harris has a lot fewer backlogged inmates awaiting competency restoration for long stretches, and those Harris sends to state hospitals tend to have shorter lengths of stay compared to other jurisdictions. (Harris, the state's largest county, had 9 inmates who'd waited longer than 60 days for a bed, according to the Dallas News, compared to 66 in Dallas who'd waited longer than 70 days.)

Replicating Harris' approach requires devoting resources on the front end, which was well worth it in Houston because they're such a carceral Goliath. Necessity so often finding itself the Mother of Invention, Harris County's example lights the path for other counties facing the same problem, which is basically all of them so long as state hospitals are full: Implement early screening and diagnosis soon after entry into the jail along with an aggressive effort to identify patients' current prescriptions to minimize lapses and help prevent further de-compensation.

Similarly, Nueces County recently launched a pilot, grant-funded Competency Restoration Program, the Caller-Times reported Jan. 27, under which inmates "would wait days, not weeks, to begin state-ordered treatment to be get competent for trial." That's exactly the approach counties should be taking, big and small. If Harris and Nueces can both do it, size isn't so much a factor as funding and want-to. (If counties update all their case dispositions, perhaps the Governor's Criminal Justice Division would look favorably on funding startup costs for such efforts.)

It's Grits perception, though, that most counties haven't been nearly that proactive in addressing the problem. They may have to be. The Lege couldn't even authorize new beds for at least a year, and even then I'm not sure where they'd find them. (Maybe there are contractors willing to run a secure facility, but the state could also have to build more beds to comply. Who knows?) Or the state and/or counties could invest in quicker processing on the front end like in Harris and Nueces to resolve the problem before defendants get to the state hospital.

It'll be fascinating to see how Judge Naranjo's court ruling plays out because, judicial good intentions aside, state hospitals can no more manufacture extra hospital beds to comply with this mandate than the miser can squeeze coins from a stone. And there are so many unanswered questions: If they comply by reducing the number of non-forensic beds, what would be the unintended consequences? Might the Governor's Criminal Justice Division or some other source (heaven knows who) step up with grants to plug the gap? For that matter, given current budget circumstances, what happens if May 2013 comes and goes and the Lege hasn't ponied up money to resolve the situation? Most critically, what leverage will Naranjo have to enforce the order, and what modifications might be sought by the state? I'm proud of the judge for issuing that ruling, but for the moment it raises more questions than it answers.

MORE: From the Texas Tribune.

See prior, related Grits posts:

Kamis, 02 Februari 2012

'Sending a message' on graffiti: Two approaches

Regular readers know Grits thinks "sending a message" though criminal penalties is one of the worst communication methods imaginable. Almost no one actually reads the laws, the media never reports on most of them, and when they do they get things wrong 1/3 to 1/2 the time. Besides, few criminals read the newspaper. If you want to "send a message," in general buying billboard space or TV time is a far superior method to any criminal-law one might pass, and that goes triple for crimes with very low clearance rates. Which brings us to two recent stories about "sending a message" regarding graffiti. The first arises out of Corpus Christi, where local officials have been obsessed with graffiti enforcement now for several years now, to little practical effect judging from continued public outcries and media hype over the problem. A story from KVII-TV this week made the "send a message" goal explicit:
As the war on graffiti vandalism rages, a word of warning from the people who's job it is prosecute taggers.  They say you will be caught, arrested and more than likely will go to prison.  It's the type of vandalism that's more than just a costly nuisance.  It's a crime.  Prosecutors want to send out a message to all "taggers" reminding them that this crime will get you prison time.

"You have to be held accountable for what you do...and that's why you're going to be doing time behind bars," says prosecutor Joe Mike Pena.
The problem with that message is that much of it is a bold-faced lie, particularly the contention that "you will be caught, arrested and more than likely will go to prison." At least for 99.9% of graffiti crimes (less than one tagger is arrested per 1,000 offenses), the overwhelming majority of offenses go unsolved and are not prosecuted.

How likely is it that taggers will go to prison? According to the Criminal Justice Impact Statement for a recent graffiti enhancement bill (discussed in this Grits post): "In fiscal year 2010, 212 offenders were placed on misdemeanor community supervision, 56 offenders were placed on felony community supervision, and 21 offenders were admitted to prison or state jail." So that's 289 people total convicted and sentenced for graffiti crimes in FY 2010 statewide, most of them juveniles. By contrast, there were hundreds of thousands of tags thrown up in Texas in 2010. The chances of getting caught and convicted are, in fact, minuscule. And even for those convicted, most of them (rightly) received misdemeanor probation, with just 7% going to prison. (mostly those who tagged a church, school, or community center, which now carries an automatic state jail felony charge).

Two recurring Grits themes are that heightened criminal penalties can't solve every social problem and that penalty enhancements have little effect on crimes with low clearance rates. Both observations apply in spades to graffiti crimes. The "message" sent by jacking up punishments for the handful of people caught is not only rarely delivered, it's in some ways a counterproductive one, serving to glamorize the activity for rebellious youth without actually solving the problem.

Meanwhile, a different and far more effectively delivered message about graffiti is being trumpeted in Dallas, where graffiti artist Shepard Fairey (the man who did the Obama Hope posters and was featured in Banksy's Exit Through the Gift Shop) has been hired to paint a dozen large, outdoor murals. Reports the Morning News (behind paywall):
Fairey and his team fly in on Sunday and begin scouting 12 to 15 locations on Monday before pulling out the paintbrushes on Tuesday. The end result will be at least a dozen giant murals (with one stretching 150 feet wide) in such communities as West Dallas, Oak Cliff and Deep Ellum. Highland Park is not on the list.
Dallas Contemporary, which revels in the edginess of Fairey’s art, commissioned the project. Its director, Peter Doroshenko, loves Fairey’s ability to provoke reaction, no matter where his eerily bold images leave their imprint.

Aside from two events feting Fairey, none of his art will be shown at the Design District museum, even as it foots the bill for the outdoor murals.

“We’re doing this project to go beyond our walls, our building,” says Doroshenko, who came to Dallas Contemporary 14 months ago and worked with Fairey on a project in the United Kingdom in 2006.

Doroshenko cites Fairey as one of several artists he hopes to bring to Dallas “who work in nontraditional or outdoor kinds of ways, so that you don’t have to travel to Toulouse or Tunisia to see their work. It’s here, in the city, where it will reach millions of people as they drive by on the freeway or on their way to work.” Fairey loves having an outdoor canvas, Doroshenko says, rather than having to confine his work to a museum. Fairey, like Doroshenko, revels in the notion of “adding art to a person’s everyday repertoire.”

Doroshenko calls the project “giving back to the community and on a grand scale.” He says he picked Fairey not just because he knows him but also because “all the street artists that work in Dallas or Texas are influenced by him.” Even city officials and private landlords have come to appreciate what Doroshenko calls Fairey’s “art intervention” in their communities.
This turn of events reminds me of a Grits headline from 2010: "Yesterday's graffiti is today's art and tomorrow's economic growth." Fairey's illegal tagging hobby has transformed him into an internationally known artist whose talents are so well recognized that he's now being paid (in Texas, no less) to do projects for which he previously would have been prosecuted.

So in Corpus Christi, prosecutors hope to "send a message" by prosecuting the one out of a thousand or so offenses where taggers are caught, while in Dallas they're sending a message with 150' wide murals that graffiti can be real art and that some graff writers must be viewed as true artists, worthy of the admiration of their peers.

Which "message" do you suppose will influence taggers more?

See related Grits posts:

Sabtu, 07 Januari 2012

Governor's office will withhold grants for counties not updating criminal histories

The Governor's office will begin restricting grant money to jurisdictions that don't upload sufficient crime data into the state system, according to a story from the Corpus Christi Caller Times that could almost certainly be localized in many other Texas jurisdictions ("State warns of grant cuts for Coastal Bend Law Enforcement," Jan. 6):
Nueces County law enforcement agencies could lose about $2.5 million in funding by 2013 should they fail to meet a Sept. 1 deadline for uploading criminal histories into a statewide database.


The bite out of the Nueces County Sheriff's Office and Corpus Christi Police Department could be as high as $213,000 if officials don't upload data from 90 percent of all adult criminal cases that originated between 2006 and 2010, Nueces County government affairs director Tyner Little said.

Nueces County has uploaded 84 percent of the cases from that period of time, according to data provided by the governor's office.

Information such as a suspect's arrest date, charge and final disposition is uploaded to the Texas Department of Public Safety's Texas Criminal Information Center, a real-time database accessible to law enforcement agencies and prosecutors.

Law enforcement agencies statewide were warned of the potential grant cuts in a memo sent last month by the governor's criminal justice division.

Officials from the county information technology department met Thursday with representatives from the district attorney, sheriff's and district clerk's offices as well as city police officials to determine why the data is lagging.

"The problems are all over the map," Little said.
Last year, the state auditor issued a report listing counties (pdf, p. 35) that failed to submit dispositions for arrests from two years ago, finding many agencies' data woefully incomplete. Judging from that data, this will be a big challenge for many counties, including most of the big ones except Harris.

Related: Dismissals, outcomes, often don't make it into state criminal history database.