Tampilkan postingan dengan label Media. Tampilkan semua postingan
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Jumat, 11 Mei 2012

TDCJ flak allegedly faced retaliation for treating blogger as 'media'

According to the Back Gate, a prison-guard run website, Michelle Lyons, the long-time chief flak at the Texas Department of Criminal Justice's public relations department, has "resigned after enduring retaliation and harassment by agency officials for several months." (She's been unenviably replaced, says TDCJ's website, by understudy Jason Clark.) The Back Gate reported that:
Michelle emailed us this statement [yesterday] morning;

"When I received the email from Duane [Stuart, a Back Gate blogger] on Friday and when I responded to him and everyone who he had originally copied on the message [ed. note: including state Sen. John Whitmire's office], it set in motion a chain of events. Within a couple of hours, my email account was 'frozen' and I was told I was under investigation. Before I was charged with failing to obey an order, I was told that I should not have responded to Duane because he is considered media. At this point, I would note that some time ago, I was tracking down an answer to a question Duane had asked me and I went to Mr. [TDCJ Deputy Executive Director Bryan] Collier. He asked why I was responding to Duane since "he's not media." It's interesting to me that he wasn't 'media' several months ago, but now he is? At the time, I said that while Duane may not meet the definition of media in TDCJ's own media policy, that he is a TDCJ employee and member of the public and that I respond to as many inquiries I can from the public in addition to those I receive from the media. That's exactly what  I did on Friday. I view it as responding to a message from a colleague about possible federal labor law and privacy violations and including on it my union representative and two state lawmakers. Why is that an issue?"

Michelle went on to say;

"I know that what I've gone through these last six months is similar to what so many other TDCJ employees have had to endure during their own tenures with the agency. I just really didn't understand until it happened to me. I'll never know exactly what initiated the discriminatory measures they took against me with my demotion and pay cut, but I can pinpoint that the retaliation began as soon as I questioned the way TDCJ requires employees to track their time and how they appear to be circumventing federal labor laws through some policies (although an agency policy obviously shouldn't trump federal law). Within two weeks, Mr. Collier told me 'I should have just fired you,' and it only escalated from there."
Fascinating! Certainly Lyons doesn't deserve to face retaliation over responding to legislators cc'd on an email from a blogger requesting information, if that's really the proximate cause. Whoever has her (former) job must play a dicey balancing game between a variety of competing, powerful interests, and I completely understand why - when they've already been told of the issue by Stuart - she'd see fit to let legislators see sensitive information from her first before it appeared on The Back Gate. Hell, that's PR 101.

Grits finds the institutional attitude toward blogs described in these excerpts quite telling, if regrettable, confirming a dismissive attitude I've sensed in the past. Bryan Collier doesn't consider blogs "media" so Lyons must couch her actions as "responding to a message from a colleague about possible federal labor law and privacy violations and including on it my union representative and two state lawmakers." IMO, though, she needn't contort in such a manner to justify what she did. The definition of "media" has changed in the last decade and The Back Gate surely qualifies. After all, they broke this story.

See more detail and Stuart's commentary at The Back Gate.

Selasa, 17 April 2012

Why I hate PolitiFact, DA campaign edition

Grits has alluded before that I'm no fan of the PolitiFact reporting model or others who parse public statements - often in the most narrow, out-of-context fashion - to pass judgment whether it's "truth." Two analyses of campaign statements by Travis County DA candidates Rosemary Lehmberg and Charlie Baird demonstrate why. Both comments were labeled by PolitiFact "mostly false," but that bottom-line, two-word assessment fails to acknowledge the more important, underlying truths that place the discussions in context beyond the strained, myopic lens of the "Truth-O-Meter."

My main beef with PolitiFact, and I'm not the first to say so: The truth is usually more complex than a "Truth-O-Meter" can capture.

Take PolitiFact's analysis of DA Rosemary Lehmberg's statement that "I’ve created the first felony deferred prosecution program for nonviolent first-offenders, and it gives them a chance to stay out of the system with a clean record." Grits has joined criticisms that the program mostly benefits better off defendants, but to me saying her campaign statement was "mostly false" oversimplifies matters and fails to give Lehmberg adequate credit. Certainly she was the first DA among her peers in larger counties to do so. More to the point, she didn't know of the other two. In fact, neither did the state prosecutors association, with whom she doublechecked before making the claim publicly. That she'd fact-checked the claim deserves credit, and the fact that the other two programs weren't widely publicized (e.g., I can find no reference to them in past Grits posts) means she likely didn't base the Travis County program on them in any way, shape or form.

Rose's claim spawned research in response that broadened what we know about these programs, but it'd be wrong to say she made a "false" statement. Her office was on the front end of the curve and she implemented the Travis program of her own accord, not modeling it on the other programs mentioned. The important stuff about her statement, in other words, was "true" from her perspective and more importantly Travis County voters'. The Truth-O-Meter grants this obliquely by calling the statement "mostly" false, but the "mostly" conceals more truth than the "false" part of the assessment illuminates.

Similarly, PolitiFact labels "Mostly false" the statement by challenger Judge Charlie Baird who said that "We've had the same leadership in the Travis County DA's office for 30 years." The writer justifies this judgment because Lehmberg didn't ascend to a top leadership position in the DA's Office until 15 years before Ronnie Earle's departure, serving as his first assistant for the final 12 years.

Again, though, the "mostly" conceals more truth than the "false" part of the assessment reveals. PolitiFact does mention in passing the critical fact that Lehmberg "left private law practice to join the DA’s office in 1976. The entry continues: 'Rosemary began her career with the district attorney working with the Grand Jury and then as a trial attorney in the 167th District Court, presided over by Judge Tom Blackwell. She later became chief of that court and then the chief of the Trial Division. She has served as the chief of the Career Criminal, Major Crimes and Public Integrity Divisions.'"

Context is everything, and we may read between the lines that Lehmberg's political connections to Earle in the '70s likely helped land her in the DA's Office in the first place. After all, she quit her private practice in '76, before Earle took office in January 1977. It's not like she blindly answered a classified ad. So Lehmberg was one of the younger members of Earle's original group of attorneys brought on as he transitioned into the office, spent three decades with him, the last dozen as his first assistant, and ran for office as Earle's heir apparent, promising continuity and a continuation of the former DA's most politically popular initiatives. From voters' perspective, she represents the status quo, an acquiescence in the idea that the Travis DA's Office will be run more or less the same way it's been run for decades, perhaps ad infinitum. (If Lehmberg wins, she'll likely run unopposed thereafter in Dem primaries for the foreseeable future.)

The underlying truth behind Baird's statement is the main reason his campaign has gained traction despite the many naysayers, and indeed is the reason I favor Baird in the race, though I respect both candidates. Because he won't feel compelled to defend the office's legacy back to the '70s, my hope is that the reform-minded Baird will be more likely to try new things and less likely to perceive new ideas defensively or as a criticism of "how we've always done it."

My own election preference aside, though, these examples to me show the shortcomings of PolitiFact's reductionist, all or nothing approach. "Facts" are relatively easy to check. "Truth," which requires their interpretation, is often in the eye of the beholder.

Fact checking is a laudable endeavor, but it's not necessarily the same thing as "truth telling."

Rabu, 04 April 2012

Tim Cole story, eyewitness ID reform featured on Rock Center

The NBC news show with Brian Williams tonight will examine Timothy Cole's false conviction and Texas' reforms of police eyewitness identification procedures.

Save journalism, legalize prostitution

At the Dallas Morning News Opinion blog, editorial writer Tod Robberson takes a slap at the Dallas Observer for contracting with a national aggregator criticized for accepting ads from prostitutes and escort services, noting that "Washington State last week enacted a law that would expose companies like Backpage.com to criminal prosecution if such ads involve underage prostitutes." He continued:
Few of us here at The Dallas Morning News like to admit that, occasionally, we read the Dallas Observer. But we do. And lots of folks around here are trying to figure out how the Observer seems to do so well financially while we're in a constant state of struggle. I will speculate a little bit here. I suspect readers do not necessarily flock to the Observer for their quality journalism. And even if they do, that's not what is keeping the Observer in business. Heck, it's a free newspaper. What keeps the Observer in business is advertising, and that weekly tabloid is thick with it. Online, it's hard to visit their site without being overwhelmed by all the colorful, flashing ads.

Not just any ads. If you look at the numbers posted by the Observer, you'll find some telling statistics of what's bringing in the dough. Let's see, there are 26 ads for restaurants, two for fashion/accessories, one for home furnishings/home improvement. No, I don't think those are what's paying the bills. A bit farther down the page is a category called adult entertainment, which has 13,773 ads. Hmmm, there might be a clue there.
He then quotes some racy, suggestive captions, joking that he didn't click on them for fear of alerting Belo Corp. human resources staff, but concludes that:
The journalism world is misguided in pointing to the Village Voice and other publications of that ilk as models of success in a market desperately struggling to stay afloat. We are looking at all options (well, almost all options) to maintain a positive revenue stream and attract readers. No one knows what the formula for survival ultimately will be. But if it means stooping to the level of health & wellness ads, I would opt for closing our doors first. These days, it's getting harder and harder to define what journalism is. But I know what it isn't, and Backpage.com nails the "isn't" part on the head.
Grits responded thusly in the comments:
Really? You'd rather see daily journalism die than pay for it by selling advertising for services that a not-insignificant portion of your readership would patronize (or at least read voyeuristically, as they do your crime coverage)? No wonder conservatives think the MSM disdains the public: You do. I don't know if it's true, as was said on GCB, that Dallas is the world's strip club capital, but it's gotta be up there: This is your readership. Own it.

And btw, if you'll look around the newsroom at the Dallas News' depopulating ranks over the last few years, "quality journalism" isn't doing much to keep y'all in business, either. Should newspapers knowingly profit from exploitation of minors? No, and you certainly haven't demonstrated here - by a longshot - that the Dallas Observer has done so. But if y'all want to keep printing with ink on dead trees, perhaps you shouldn't be so quick to criticize a model that's clearly catering to a substantial, monied audience and employing quite a few excellent journalists at weeklies around the country.

Porn sells. Add a porn section behind the paywall and y'all could afford international bureaus and a small army of beat and investigative reporters that would rival the NYTimes and Washington Post. But no, you don't want to do that because you're too pure to give your audience what they want. IMO journalistic snootiness isn't just a political problem for conservatives, it's killing your business model.
I wrote that a bit as a provocation, though I do think the Morning News would make a lot more money - and make their photographer corps a lot happier - if they paid for daily journalism with a behind-the-paywall porn (or, if you like, "adult entertainment") section. The exchange with Robberson, though, got me thinking. I've often felt there's a strong argument that legalizing prostitution would do more to protect underage girls from exploitation - by regulating the workplace - than does an outright ban, which clearly has not stopped a thriving, underground trade. (When brothels on Hotel Street were tolerated in Honolulu before and during World War II, local government and later military commanders were able to closely regulate the industry for abuses; see a good account [pdf] from the Hawaiian Journal of History.) Might it also be the case that legalizing prostitution could save journalism with a lucrative new ad source on par with auto dealerships or real estate? Taking a long-term perspective, it's not the "oldest profession" for nothing.

When markets are large enough they trump laws. Whenever there is significant demand, supply will arise to fill it in a black market. A legal market, though, can be regulated. State lotteries and legalized lottos did more to wipe out numbers running by the mafia on the east coast than the FBI ever did, just as ending Prohibition effectively quashed violence related to alcohol production and distribution, and reduced deaths from bad product. We hear terrible stories in the media and certainly at the Legislature, which has passed potent sex trafficking enhancements, about coercive sex trafficking that's often compared to slavery. Would legalizing and regulating adult, consensual prostitution similarly drive out the criminal element the way a legal lottery defeated the mafia? Perhaps. If so, it would be a greater boon to exploited young girls than another criminal-penalty enhancement.

In any event, Grits would rather see newspapers make money from "adult entertainment" than treating news reporting as entertainment, which is another common route some outlets have taken to draw in more readership (though to its credit, mostly not the Morning News). I don't consider voyeurism about gory, personal crime details any more commendable than sexual voyeurism, but newspapers have profited from printing salacious crime details for years. To save the industry, newspaper editors need to get off their high horse, or else fall off, probably into the unemployment line, albeit with their self-righteousness and dignity intact.

Senin, 02 April 2012

Texas justice initiatives presaged changing public opinion on reform

Could Texas' closed Central Unit in Sugar Land "symbolize a new approach to justice in America?"

PBS' Need to Know posed that question Friday evening in a 25-minute feature on Texas corrections reforms and the state's closure of its first-ever prison unit in last year, interviewing state Sen. John Whitmire in the bowels of the now-empty Central Unit. "You can't build your way out of the problem," said Whitmire. "If you don't deal with the root causes of crime, you'll never, ever have enough prisons. You'll bankrupt your state." The closed prison unit, said the chairman, is "the evidence we need that we're doing something right, and we're not compromising public safety." At one point, Whitmire said "most" of the 12,000 women locked up in TDCJ probably don't need to be there.

PBS also interviewed outgoing House Corrections Chairman Jerry Madden who recalled how, when he was named Chairman in 2005, House Speaker Tom Craddick called him in and said eight words to him that "changed my life": They were, "Don't build new prisons, they cost too much." Madden estimates that so far Texas' reforms have saved the state around $2 billion.

In a blast from the past, the story quoted Gov. Rick Perry's 2007 State of the State speech, showing a clip where the Governor declared that "There are thousands of non-violent offenders in the system whose future we cannot ignore. Let's focus more resources on rehabilitating those offenders so that we can ultimately spend less locking them up again," he advised to hearty applause. Another nifty quote: "Doing the intelligent thing is not being soft," said District Judge Robert Francis, who runs a reentry court in Dallas.

The reporter marveled that with Texas' reforms diverting thousands from prison, crime rates continued to fall even as incarceration rates declined. And Jeff Greenfield interviewed Adam Gelb from the Pew Center on the States to ask if Texas' "experiment" might become a "national movement." Gelb discussed how conservatives like those who've signed onto the Right on Crime principles are able to get to the same place on the issues as moderates and liberals, often agreeing on outcomes for different ideological reasons.

Relatedly Gelb's colleagues at the Pew Center on the States just released a public opinion poll which affords reason for optimism that the public would support further changes along these lines. Among the top line findings:
  • American voters believe too many people are in prison and the nation spends too much on imprisonment.
  • Voters overwhelmingly support a variety of policy changes that shift non-violent offenders from prison to more effective, less expensive alternatives.
  • Support for sentencing and corrections reforms (including reduced prison terms) is strong across political parties, regions, age, gender, and racial/ethnic groups.
Here's an image providing more detail from the national survey (pdf) of 1,200 likely voters:


Moreover:

For reasons about which we can only speculate, public opinion appears to have shifted on questions of mass incarceration. Asked “Do you think there are too many people in prison in the United States, not enough people in prison, or is the number of people in prison about right?,” The results were:
Too many: 45%:
About right: 28%
Too few: 13%
Don't know: 14%
On average, said Pew, voters think about 20% of US prisoners could be released without harming public safety.

Remarkably, 69% supported the statement, “One out of every 100 American adults is in prison. That’s too many, and it costs too much. There are more effective, less expensive alternatives to prison for non-violent offenders and expanding those alternatives is the best way to reduce the crime rate,” with a whopping 50% saying they "strongly support" it. Among major state budget items, more voters said they were willing to cut prisons (48%) than any other area of government.

Fully 77% of voters agreed that “Our spending on corrections has grown from $10 billion to $50 billion over the last twenty years but we are not getting a clear and convincing return on that investment in terms of public safety,” including 76% of Republicans surveyed.

Equally fascinating is that common tuff-on-crime messages are beginning to lose their appeal. Asked if they agreed with the statement, “People who commit crimes belong behind bars, end of story. It may cost a lot of money to run prisons, but it would cost society more in the long run if more criminals were on the street,” just 25% said they supported it (15% strongly support). The public just isn't buying that common argument anymore, according to these data.

Reports like these give me hope that Texas may continue down a reformist path despite considerable political uncertainty. It's purportedly a Chinese curse to wish on another that they "live in interesting times," but without question we certainly do.

Senin, 26 Maret 2012

60 Minutes interviews Michael Morton

"It's not every day that a convicted murderer clears his name and then returns to court to argue that his prosecutor should be prosecuted," correspondent Lara Logan said at the opening of 60 Minutes' segment last night featuring Michael Morton's first media interview since his exoneration. See the clip (there's a ad at the beginning of each):


And here's an additional online discussion from the 60 Minutes reporter and producers:


The account of Morton's relationship with his son is one of the most heartbreaking you'll ever encounter, like some epic, tragic Russia novel with a surprise, wholly Americanized happy ending - like a "present from heaven," as Morton himself put it. Morton's is an amazing tale. Once again, congrats to him and everyone involved over the years in fighting the Williamson County DA's office to free him.

RELATED: Reacting to the story, Wilco Watchdog says that "Ken Anderson put Morton in prison and John Bradley kept him there." Bradley wasn't mentioned in the 60 Minutes piece, but there's little doubt the issue looms large over his re-election campaign, for the reasons articulated by the Watchdog, and this national press coverage won't help matters. In a sense, it may benefit Bradley that the redistricting battle forced the state to push back its primaries, or Williamson County voters would be going to the polls next week with the 60 Minutes story fresh in their minds. OTOH, it's also possible the longer timeline will give Bradley's opponent a chance to make the associations among voters between Bradley and the Morton case that 60 Minutes left out. We won't know until May how this may impact the Williamson DA's race, but the incumbent must be worried.

ALSO: In the second clip embedded above, the producer said they interviewed Michael Morton for nearly three hours in preparation for this story, with just a few minutes broadcast during this segment. This was Morton's first media interview since his release last fall, so I hope CBS goes ahead and puts more of the extended interview online. That's historic material.

AND MORE: Texas Monthly's Paul Burka has a bloggerly assessment of the Williamson County DA's race in the wake of 60 Minutes' coverage.

Kamis, 22 Maret 2012

Prosecutor Misconduct Roundup: 60 Minutes to feature Michael Morton exoneration Sunday

The TV news show 60 Minutes will broadcast a segment about Michael Morton's exoneration and the struggle to hold Williamson County prosecutors accountable through a court of inquiry this Sunday, March 25 (6:00-7:00 PM, CT) on CBS.

Relatedly, the blog Wilco Watchdog has been diligently chronicling Williamson County DA John Bradley's re-election foibles, including a recent rumpus with a local police union that endorsed his opponent and accused Bradley of misrepresenting their political motives.

That is a hot, hot DA's primary fight in Williamson County. So despite his latter-day conversion, another turn in the barrel for the Michael Morton case in the national media likely won't do Bradley's re-election campaign much good. The man fought for years to keep Mr. Morton from getting exculpatory evidence tested, a record that earned him the distinction of Worst American Prosecutor of 2011, according to a reader poll at The Agitator blog. And Judge Ken Anderson, the former DA accused of withholding evidence in Morton's case 25 years ago, is Bradley's patron, mentor and even sometime writing partner, though JB now says they're on the outs.

Hopefully coverage on the respected 60 Minutes will also ratchet up pressure for reforms at the Texas Legislature next year aimed at stemming prosecutorial misconduct - a subject on which Grits has been compiling reform suggestions. Bradley's future isn't nearly as important as whether the state learns from mistakes like this or allows prosecutors to throw up a smokescreens to prevent legislative intervention. It's clear the courts and/or existing statutes aren't up to the task, so if one wants stronger incentives for prosecutors to play by the rules, the legislative branch is perhaps the best hope.

Finally, I wanted to alert readers in Austin to a timely event on this topic that Grits plans to attend:
Prosecutorial Oversight: A national dialogue in the wake of Connick v. Thompson

Thursday, March 29, 2012
1:30 to 3:30 PM
Francis Auditorium
University of Texas School of Law – Austin, Texas

Please join us for the Texas stop of a national tour to address the issue of prosecutorial oversight.  The Supreme Court’s recent decision in Connick v. Thompson rejected civil liability for Brady violations in lieu of what it took to be effective status quo mechanisms for training, supervising, and remediating prosecutorial disclosure issues. A discussion followed by Q&A will address existing oversight mechanisms in Texas, assess their adequacy, and explore possible avenues of reform.

Speakers include:
  • Betty Blackwell – Attorney, former chair of the Texas Commission for Lawyer Discipline
  • Jennifer Laurin (moderator) – Assistant Professor, University of Texas School of Law
  • Jim Leitner  - First Assistant District Attorney, Harris County
  • Michael Morton – Freed after 25 years in prison in Texas following DNA exoneration and revelation of concealed exculpatory evidence
  • Hon. Bob Perkins (Ret.) – Former judge, 331st District Court, Travis County
  • Professor Robert Schuwerk – Professor, University of Houston Law Center, author of leading treatise on Texas rules of professional conduct
  • John Thompson – Founder and Director of Resurrection After Exoneration and Voices of Innocence and plaintiff in Thompson v. Connick, imprisoned in Louisiana for 18 years (14 on death row), freed after revelation of concealed exculpatory evidence
  • Emily West – Research Director, The Innocence Project
The event is free and open to the public, but RSVPs are encouraged. Please register by Tuesday, March 27 by emailing info@prosecutorialoversight.org.
Event moderator Jennifer Laurin, I notice, has an academic paper on Connick v. Thompson which must also go on Grits' reading list.

Sabtu, 17 Maret 2012

Jumat, 16 Maret 2012

DPS, private contractors, and the Great Public Relations Emergency of 2010

The Austin Statesman followed up on Tom Barry's piece at Alternet, discussed here, to provide more detail on the outsourcing of Texas border security to a private contractor called Abrams Learning and Information Systems Inc. (ALIS). Particularly fascinating in reporter Jeremy Schwartz's account is the rise of dissension within DPS as early as four years ago over the contracts, culminating in a budget request to replace them with DPS staff:
By 2008, at least some within DPS believed it was a bad idea — and too expensive — to give private contractors such responsibility over border security operations. In the agency's 2008 budget request to the Legislature, DPS asked for money to hire 19 state employees to replace the contract workers then staffing the border security operations and joint intelligence centers.

"It is more desirable and more cost effective to have state employees planning, coordinating, and evaluating joint state-local border security operations that involve more than $100 million in state appropriated funds," the document says.

Instead, the following year, Abrams received a $4.2 million contract in part to staff and provide "leadership" to the Border Security Operations Center, where it would produce plans, analyses and "decision support tools for Texas leadership."

That same year, 2009, the ALIS contract came under the purview of the Texas Rangers. By the next year, it was discontinued — because, officials said, the state could do the work itself for less money.

"The contract was coming to an end and when I looked at what (ALIS) was doing, I promoted people within the division to do the same jobs. It was more cost effective to do it ourselves," said former Ranger chief Tony Leal.
I also was unaware that in August of 2010 Texas faced a public relations "emergency," but that's the world the good folks at DPS apparently lives in:
In January 2010, DPS Director Steven McCraw told commissioners: "There's a tendency toward everything being an emergency. We recognize that's not the way to do business. We need to plan ahead."

But seven months later, DPS gave Abrams another emergency, no-bid contract, worth $1.4 million, in part to shape the state's public message on border security. ...

In August 2010, the DPS enlisted Abrams to develop a public and media outreach strategy to "position Texas border security efforts in a positive light," paying the firm to develop talking points, presentations, testimony and the "orientation" of senior government leaders. Abrams created a public relations campaign featuring 36 principal messages, including "The success of Texas border security and law enforcement efforts are critical to preserving you and your family's safety and way of life" and "Border Security is a Federal Responsibility but a Texas problem" — the exact language contained in an earlier Perry speech and a common refrain during Perry's presidential campaign.

A draft document obtained by the American-Statesman, titled "Border Security Public Outreach Themes and Messages," includes talking points that would seem to boost the firm's standing. In touting Operation Border Star, the state's principal border security strategy, the document says that law enforcement agencies "join with private companies" to "reduce border-related crime." The messages were meant to be used by the agency's public information department and to guide agency interactions with the media.

DPS officials say they contracted with ALIS on media outreach because they wanted the public to know about Mexican cartels recruiting Texas students to carry drugs and other threats such as smuggling operations and public corruption.
Sounds like the McCaffrey report and the recent Spring Break warning are all part of a broader public relations campaign. For that kind of money, there's likely more misinformation coming, or else this was the most expensive PR advice Texas taxpayers ever paid for.

Senin, 05 Maret 2012

Piling on the Tyler Morning Telegraph over cretinous murder-case coverage

Having mentioned the other day that Kerry Max Cook is seeking post-conviction DNA testing he hopes will formally exonerate him, and that local prosecutors were blasting him for it in the press, Grits wanted to point out some keen commentary by former Dallas Morning News reporter David Hanners, the journalist who first uncovered problems with Cook's conviction. Texas Monthly's Michael Hall wrote a notable blog post titled "What the 'Tyler Morning Telegraph' failed to tell you about Kerry Max Cook," and Hanners replied with this remarkable comment (edited only to break it into more readable paragraphs).
As the reporter for The Dallas Morning News whose stories initially raised doubts about Mr. Cook’s guilt, I believe I have a few observations I can offer to the discussion. The first would be that when it comes to Mr. Cook’s saga — and there’s no other word for it — the Tyler Morning Telegraph has never acquitted itself well. I’m usually hesitant to disparage another journalist or publication, but the Tyler paper’s history of coverage in this case has been a sad entry in the annals of objective and fair journalism. The paper has, time after time, taken the word of local police and prosecutors as gospel in Mr. Cook’s case and has done little, if any, real journalism. And, as the record reflects time after time, the word of police and prosecutors in this case has not been worth much.

I am probably one of the few people who has taken an objective look at Mr. Cook’s case. I wasn’t out to convict him and I wasn’t out to set him free. When I began looking into his case, it was to try and get an answer to a very simple question: Why did it take the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals nearly eight years to rule in his case? (As I would later find out, it was because the court basically lost the file.) Whether he was guilty or innocent really wasn’t an issue to me. But as I sat in the basement of the Supreme Court Building reading his trial transcript and looking through the exhibits, it became increasingly evident to me that, at the very least, Mr. Cook had not received a fair trial and, at may well have been innocent. The record (and the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, eventually) has proven the former, and I am firmly convinced of the latter. I just don’t believe he killed Linda Jo Edwards.

In discussing this case with others, I have often described it as Murphy’s Law personified. Everything that could go wrong, did. The initial police investigation was hopelessly incompetent and relied on pseudo-science that was bad even for 1976. The police just didn’t do what a basic police investigation would have or could have done. (To underscore that fact — and this is directed at “Kelly”[another TM commenter] — Ms. Edwards had indeed been married and divorced. I have the records and I’ve spoken to her ex-husband. At the time of the murder, he was in the military out on the east coast, and detectives made the trip out to interview him. In a bit of irony, the detectives couldn’t be bothered to head out to the university to interview Mr. Mayfield or Ms. Edwards’ co-workers. When those co-workers complained to the police about not being talked to, the detectives went out to the school and basically waited for people to come to them — in full view of Mr. Mayfield.)

As another example of the utter ineptitude of the police investigation, consider the “missing” sock. As those conversant with the case know, police said they found only one sock at the scene, and so the prosecution turned that “theft” into one of the elements making it a capital murder case and the description they offered at Mr. Cook’s trial was quite graphic: After killing Ms. Edwards, the killer allegedly cut out body parts and stuffed them in the sock and took them as “trophies” of his kill. Imagine if you’re a member of the jury and you hear that and it is never refuted by the defense. Well, no body parts were ever taken, and when the jurors in the first re-trial had the evidence back in the jury room, they opened the evidence bag containing Ms. Edwards’ jeans, pulled out out the pants and held them up. Out dropped the “missing” sock. The cops were too incompetent to even find a sock in a pant leg. That type of conduct permeates the police investigation, so it is legitimate to question how anyone can have any faith in it. Still, the “he-took-body-parts-in-a-sock” bit remains part of the accepted mythology surrounding this case.

I’ve covered many murder cases over the years and realize that often they come down to circumstantial evidence. But even the circumstantial evidence in this case had to be stretched and in some cases fabricated to win a conviction. And Mr. Cook’s initial defense team did little to nothing in the way of investigation, or at least the type of investigation you’d like to see in a capital murder case.

Over the years, I have developed my own theory and belief into who killed Ms. Edwards, and it is a theory that fits the available evidence (direct and circumstantial) and is not inconsistent with those factors. I’ll not share that theory here, but suffice to say that it doesn’t involve Mr. Cook. Not to put too fine a point on it — and this is something I’ve spoken to him about, so he knows what I’m about to say — but Mr. Cook was not a good enough criminal or a lucky enough criminal to have committed a crime of this fury and magnitude and NOT leave a ton of evidence. He was young, immature and just didn’t think that far ahead. As “iffy” as fingerprints can be, he could not have committed this crime and not left bloody fingerprints everywhere in that apartment.

I also wish to speak to the DNA evidence and the way the prosecution has handled it. I clearly remember Mr. Dobbs telling me, prior to the testing, that they were excited about the prospects of a test because the semen sample “could only have been left by the killer.” Those were his exact words to me and I remember him saying it as if it were yesterday. So then the sample is tested and, lo and behold, it belongs to someone other than Mr. Cook. Suddenly, the prosecution’s story changes. So now the prosecution says, “Well, of course it was somebody else. But Mr. Cook is still the killer.” That last point is emblematic of how the police and prosecution have behaved over the lifetime of this case. They have wanted to have it both ways. When they claimed the evidence said one thing, they claimed it pointed to Mr. Cook’s guilt, but when it was demonstrated or proven that the evidence said the exact opposite of what they claimed, they said it still proved Mr. Cook’s guilt.

Absent confessions from the guilty parties, I doubt we’ll ever know for sure what happened to Ms. Edwards. The investigation was so screwed up that it can’t be trusted and there’s no way to go back in time and fix that. You don’t get a do-over when it comes to collecting evidence from the scene of a 1976 crime. Mr. Cook deserves more than what the system has given him. For that matter, Ms. Edwards deserves more than what the system has given her. She, like Mr. Cook and justice itself, deserves the truth, and we do them all a disservice by perpetuating the lies that led to this abhorrent conviction.
Well-said; you can see how Mr. Hanners had the writing chops to win a Pulitzer. He and Michael Hall couldn't be more right about the Tyler Morning Telegraph, and this case isn't the only time the paper has demonstrated such shortcomings.

BTW, among attorneys doing innocence work, there's a phrase for the situation where prosecutors insist only the rapist and/or killer could have left the DNA, then change their theory of the case after exculpatory results come back vindicating the person they've accused, as happened in Mr. Cook's case: They're basically alleging there was an "unindicted co-ejaculator." Usually once you reach that point, the defense has already won the substantive debate and the prosecution just hasn't realized it yet, or won't admit it. But you'd expect the local newspaper to be able to figure it out.

Senin, 30 Januari 2012

Hate crimes statute seldom used

I neglected to mention that at the Austin Statesman, Eric Dexheimer last week had a lengthy item in which your correspondent was briefly quoted critiquing Texas' seldom-used hate crimes statute, which has yielded just 10 successful prosecutions since Gov. Perry signed it into law in 2001. "'The law should punish bad actions, not unpopular or ignorant beliefs,' said Scott Henson, who writes the Grits for Breakfast criminal justice blog. 'It's another enhancement passed more out of political posturing than from good public policy or common sense.'"

From Grits' perspective, the hate-crimes statute flew in the face of the concept of equal protection under the law, creating an Animal-Farm type scenario where some are theoretically more equal than others. Of course, the same is true of nearly all "enhancements." E.g., when the livestock industry successfully seeks state-jail felony status for theft of a $35 goat, that means stealing from a protected class gets harsher penalties than stealing from you or me. The same theory underlay Texas' hate-crimes enhancements, and like so many special-interest driven enhancements (how many people are prosecuted for Texas' eleven oyster felonies, after all?), the statute in practice is seldom used.

Besides, aren't nearly all murders hate crimes? (Or at least the ones that aren't part of black-market business transactions?) Is the murderer's grim endeavor or the harm they reap worsened because the perpetrator indulged racist thoughts, or mitigated if they were thinking of unicorns and rainbows while dispatching their victims? I think not. Though it was enacted before this blog began, your correspondent disliked Texas' hate-crimes law at the time it passed and sees nothing to dislodge that view now that history has borne out most of its weaknesses and so few of the benefits touted by its proponents.

Minggu, 22 Januari 2012

Inmates and media: The Prison Show, snail mail and appreciating the Apostle Paul

A coupla interesting stories discussing inmates' relationship to media caught Grits' attention. First, NPR this week had a feature on The Prison Show, emphasizing how the long-running Houston-based radio show focuses on connecting inmates to their families.
"So many people go to prison and those relationships end," [host David] Babb says. "The families will write to them for a while, they'll go visit them for a while and it becomes a burden, it just tends to fades away."
But the show gives prisoners a way to stay connected and the call-ins they get from children are proof of that. One daughter left this message for her incarcerated dad: "Well, school's going great. I don't have any classes with my friends but I'm seeing that as the bright side to make new friends ... And I'm just loving school right now. So I hope you can wish me luck when it comes to all the tests I have to take this year. OK, love you, Dad. See you soon, I hope."
At The Baptist Standard, there's an interesting article suggesting inmates understand the ancients' relationship to the written word more innately and viscerally than those in the free world because of their relationship to snail mail.
Stephen Presley, who teaches a biblical interpretation class at a maximum-security prison near Houston, said the inmates' familiarity with letter writing has given them a unique perspective on the epistles that comprise a large portion of the New Testament.

"I think that (for) those of us who live in a world that's dominated by e-mail and controlled by other forms of technology, sometimes it's hard for us to understand the genre of letter writing—the genre of the epistles," Presley said.

"But for those who live in this world (behind bars), it was so easy for them to comprehend and to almost identify with the early church in the way they would have felt receiving these letters from Paul and how they would have treated the letter, perhaps, even in ways we don't, in terms of reading it from start to finish, reading it closely and observing every word."

Kamis, 05 Januari 2012

Exculpatory forensics not disclosed to defense in capital salt poisoning case

Via Food Safety News, Pam Colloff at Texas Monthly has a new story out this month about Hannah Overton, sentenced to life without parole for allegedly poisoning her child with large quantities of salt, questioning the conviction based on forensic evidence about stomach contents that wasn't turned over to the defense:
Dr. Michael Moritz, clinical director of pediatric nephrology at Children's Hospital in Pittsburg, is a specialist in children's kidney diseases. According to Texas Monthly, he published a seminal paper on salt poisoning in 2007.

Moritz was brought in when Cynthia Orr, Overton's appellate attorney discovered the records of Burd's stomach contents not previously disclosed to the defense. They showed salt levels were not elevated with the boy arrived at the urgent care clinic.

In his earlier research, Moritz found children who accidentally ingest too much salt often fit a narrow profile, living in the foster system or being from abusive homes, and suffering from a disorder known as pica.

While Burd was depicted by Texas prosecutors as being a "normal" four-year-old boy, TM's Pamela Colloff provides extensive biographical details on the Overtons and the foster boy they wanted to adopt that tell otherwise. Andrew's adoption supervisor suspected the boy had pica, an eating disorder.

It involves eating largely non-nutritive substances, sometime including clay or chalk or other materials.

Moritz said the stomach contents report is evidence no murder was committed.  "If someone was trying to murder Andrew, they would have restrained him and prevented him from drinking water, " Moritz's affidavit says.  "The very dilute gastric sodium contents suggest...that he had unrestricted access to water."

Moritz goes on to say: "There is not a single piece of evidence which suggests that Hannah Overton salt-poisoned Andrew."  He says it is far more likely Andrew "salt-poisoned himself."

Currently again on appeal to the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, Overton's conviction was made possible by jury instructions.  It made no difference whether Overton forced the boy to eat salt or he did it on his own and she failed to get him timely medical attention.
Read Colloff's whole story here.

Kamis, 29 Desember 2011

'Justice and Prosecutorial Misconduct'

Today's New York Times includes a staff editorial focused on Judge Ken Anderson's role in Michael Morton's false conviction out of Williamson County. Opined the Times, "While this process is an urgent matter for Mr. Morton, it is also a test of American justice — whether a prosecutor who flouts his duty under the Constitution to disclose crucial evidence to a defendant is subject to any meaningful sanction." They acknowledge, though, that it's a test that's been long-ago, many-times failed, as "bar associations hardly ever punish this behavior; judges seldom discipline prosecutors for such violations; and criminal sanctions are rarely imposed against prosecutors."

The Times recommends that "Courts should more closely supervise prosecutors by using pretrial conferences  where prosecutors must say what they are disclosing under the Brady rule and what they are withholding. Prosecutors must understand that they will be held accountable — with strong criminal sanctions — when they violate their constitutional duties." Criminal sanctions, to me, though, are mostly pointless because there's no one except the DA's offices themselves with jurisdiction to prosecute such cases and no incentive for them to do so aggressively. OTOH, I like the pretrial conference idea, and will henceforth add that to the grab bag of suggested legislative solutions which Grits has been compiling on the subject.

Senin, 26 Desember 2011

Triumph or Tragedy? Drawing meaning from the Michael Morton exoneration

"If you want a happy ending, that depends, of course, on where you stop your story."
- Orson Welles

Regular readers will recall that Grits recently named the Michael Morton exoneration out of Williamson County the biggest Texas criminal justice story of 2011. Morton spent a quarter-century in prison for allegedly murdering his wife before he was exonerated by DNA and a team of won't-quit attorneys who fought Williamson County DA John Bradley over testing the evidence for six long years (prevailing only after the Legislature changed the law to remove Bradley's grounds for objection). It turned out prosecutors 25 years ago had failed to release exculpatory evidence to the defense, and the man who apparently did so, then-elected DA Ken Anderson, is today a sitting Williamson County District Judge. You really can't make this stuff up!

As the year's biggest criminal justice story, several publications recently issued end-of-the-year retrospectives on the event:
Now that Morton's defense team has released their prosecutorial misconduct report (pdf), as a pure news story the Morton exoneration is over. As these articles demonstrate, though, what remains is to understand what his story means and how or whether lessons may be drawn from it that could prevent more, similar false convictions in the future. Those questions are all wide open, as are what consequences any of the state actors might face and what if any reforms might be implemented in the wake of exposing such gaping, systemic flaws.

Interestingly each of the writers in the stories bulleted above seeks to draw different conclusions regarding how we should understand this horrifying episode.

For Grissom at the Tribune, the lesson is that "Despite scientific advancements like DNA testing, the use of unreliable scientific techniques in the criminal justice system persists." She quotes a lawyer from the Texas Defender service who observes, "“What passes for science in courtrooms is not always, in fact, science.” That might sound like a radical statement if the National Academy of Sciences hadn't recently found the same thing. Moreover, the Court of Criminal Appeals ruled this summer that legal and scientific truth were different things and expert testimony could be legally true but scientifically false.

Jordan Smith at the Austin Chronicle is more focused on whether "whether current D.A. John Bradley has also acted, if not improperly, at least imprudently, in his handling of the Morton case since he succeeded Anderson in 2001. Bradley fought mightily against testing of the bandana, telling at least one local reporter that to allow the DNA testing in what he apparently considered an open-and-shut case against Morton would be 'silly'; Morton was merely 'grasping at straws,' he has also said."

At the Houston Chronicle, Patti Hart focuses on the seemingly insurmountable barriers overcome by Morton's obsessively persistent defense team, without whom Morton would have spent the rest of his life in prison, as well as the larger question of how to make prosecutors fulfill their duty to turn over potentially exculpatory evidence in criminal trials, making Judge Anderson her poster child: "Under well-established law, prosecutors must share exculpatory evidence. By withholding crucial facts, Anderson could face contempt charges or even disbarment," wrote Hart. She decries prosecutors use of tactical maneuverings to avoid so-called "Brady" disclosures (after the US Supreme Court's decision in Brady v. Maryland mandating the state disclose such evidence).

Which is the right conclusion to draw? All of the above, and more. Morton's attorneys have requested a "court of inquiry" to investigate prosecutorial misconduct charges (after Grits reads their 144-page report  (pdf), along with Judge Doug Arnold's deposition (pdf), I'm sure there will be more to say about that subject). In the meantime, what are the lessons for prosecutors, judges, and even defense counsel, all of whom failed miserably at their jobs 25 years ago?

Texans will be hotly debating those questions for many years, well past the legislative session in 2013, just as the Tulia exonerations still raise hackles in certain quarters. Indeed, like the Tulia case, I suspect Mr. Morton's story may become the subject of books, documentaries or even a Hollywood fillm (the Halle Berry Tulia flick was delayed because of her pregnancy but reportedly is now tentatively scheduled for a 2014 release; the story of a similar Texas drug sting inspired a Disney-backed Hollywood film, "American Violet."). If we don't see similar cultural artifacts spin off of Mr. Morton's story, I'd be surprised; his has been a truly epic saga - an almost unparalleled story of tragedy and triumph.

We shouldn't let Morton's triumph, though, deflect attention from the tragedy, however (rightly) exultant Morton and his legal team are at his release. This was a tragedy so grim it would baffle Kafka and make Shakespeare wince: Morton's wife, Christine, was brutally murdered. He professed his innocence but was falsely accused and wrongfully convicted, the victim of apparently overt prosecutorial misconduct and misrepresentations of forensic science. Then prosecutors fought for years to keep from revealing exculpatory evidence and to prevent DNA testing that ultimately led to discovery of the alleged real killer - a man whose DNA had also been discovered at a similar murder scene near the Mortons home four years after Christine's death. The alleged real killer had been living in neighboring Bastrop County for most of the intervening quarter century.

It all sounds like a Hollywood movie plot, complete with a "happy ending." But for Morton and his family, the victory, however satisfying, must be bittersweet. Nobody can give them that quarter century back. No amount of money can repay stolen time. And who knows what other crimes were committed by the real killer while Morton was locked up? We already know of one other alleged murder by the same suspect; were there more?

Indeed, isn't it a matter of interpretation whether this episode constitutes a triumph or tragedy? As Orson Welles said in the epigraph to this post, it all depends on where you end the story, or in this case, when opinion leaders and the media decide it has ended. If his conviction in 1986 had never been overturned, Morton's would remain a secret tragedy, like hundreds or probably thousands of others in TDCJ. But with Morton's triumphant release does that mean "the system worked"? Is that the end of the story? If Anderson were punished professionally, even disbarred, as Patti Hart suggests, would that retributivist homage constitute a happy ending? Would it make things "right"? How about John Bradley losing re-election, would that democratic rebuke be enough? Or perhaps if the Legislature passed a law named after Morton mandating an open-file policy for prosecutors or punishing willful Brady violations with jail time, would such preventives provide a satisfactory conclusion?

For the story writers, perhaps. But it won't bring back Morton's late wife, nor will state compensation nor half-hearted press conference apologies ever make up for what was stolen from him. For Michael Morton, who yesterday spent his first Christmas with his family since the last visit of Halley's comet, the story will continue as he struggles to rebuild a shattered life and to keep this horrible nightmare from defining and defeating him. Indeed, for Mr. Morton, not only is this not the end, the most important part of the story is just beginning. Grits wishes him all the luck in the world in the new year as he seeks to begin writing his own happy ending. I hope he finds it.

Minggu, 27 November 2011

Roundup: Lightning strikes, news flashes, and principle ducks for cover

A few odds and ends for your holiday reading pleasure:

When lightning strikes
Williamson County District Attorney John Bradley told the Dallas News that the Michael Morton DNA test results hit him like a "lightning bolt." Though they didn't invoke the road to Damascus, they did say the Williamson County DA now "testifies to a conversion." Declaring, “We need to leave the window open a little bit more,” Bradley says he hopes speaking up will influence how other prosecutors approach post-conviction DNA cases: “I finally decided that it was more important that I overcome my concerns about people’s opinions about my shifting of my personal opinions, because I saw that it has public value in helping other prosecutors, I hope, adjust their point of view.” Abel Reyna, are you listening?

Police, distracted driving and civil liability
Austin PD accounts for the largest proportion of payouts in civil suits of any city-owned department in the capital, including the electric utility and the airport. Chief Art Acevedo blamed distracted driving on a significant number of settlements related to automobile accidents involving police officers: “They're in the patrol car environment where there is a lot of things going on. You've got the computer going on, you've got the radio going on. They're looking where they're at. They're looking for violations, they're looking for risks.”

Spillover violence documented in Valley
Law enforcement reports the first, documented example of "spillover" cartel violence in the Rio Grande Valley, if you don't count gang members from the Texas side spilling over to commit violence in Mexico. This event is an important marker, but still a far cry from the absurdist, politicized claims made recently on behalf of Texas DPS and the Ag Department.

Drug violence in Puerto Rico
Lots of interesting detail in this story about which I wasn't aware; you never hear PR violence discussed in any of the "spillover" discussions.

News flash: Prison-industrial complex exists
Conservative columnist Jonah Goldberg offers a "small apology" to his ideological foes, admitting to the existence of "a prison-industrial complex" he'd "long thought" didn't exist. He sees it as dominated by public-employees unions rather than private-prison companies and other such corporate-welfare recipients. For my part, I consider both special interests to be partially culpable for the situation, and many other elements besides. These are not mutually exclusive factors.

MSM scorns principle in criminal-justice debates
A frequent theme on this blog is that, despite how they're framed in the mainstream media, criminal-justice issues seldom fall along partisan nor strictly ideological lines. Nowhere can that be seen more clearly than in the LA Times headline, "Criminal defendants find an unlikely friend in Justice Scalia." The story by David Savage is fairly typical of modern MSM criminal-justice coverage, demonstrating many of its shortcomings all in one place. Notice how, for example, a judgment in favor of the defense (e.g., on Confrontation Clause issues) makes US Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia a "friend" to criminals. All nuance is lost: You're either for criminals or against them, though bizarrely the headline complains of Scalia, "For him, there are no shades of gray." That's the pot calling the kettle black, indeed. The newspaper quotes a law professor explaining, "This is not a left-right split. This is principle versus pragmatism" (though Grits would argue that some of Scalia's most controversial assertions on criminal justice have been profoundly pragmatic). But the issue is presented as though judges basing decisions on principle - as opposed to the convenience of government bureaucrats or the structural biases of the press - is somehow a bad thing. Perhaps, in light of the string of modern DNA exonerations and the lessons learned by John Bradley mentioned above in the top item, 21st-century journalists shouldn't be so quick to dismiss every effort to instill fairness or adhere to principle in the justice system as somehow coddling criminals? Just a thought.

Senin, 31 Oktober 2011

New York Times takes on Perry's mixed criminal justice record

The New York Times published a feature today by Deborah Sontag on Gov. Rick Perry's Texas criminal justice record, mostly focused on the death penalty but with a handful of comments, including from your correspondent, suggesting that the exclusive focus on capital punishment risks ignoring more moderate aspects of the Governor's record:
Scott Henson, author of “Grits for Breakfast,” a well-read blog on Texas justice, said that Mr. Perry, believing that “only egg-headed liberals” oppose the death penalty, liked to bait the news media so he would be given a chance to show some swagger.

“And y’all take the bait,” Mr. Henson said, “even though Rick Perry has nothing to do with executions. All his bluster about the death penalty is like the rooster who crows taking credit for the sun rising.”
Grits has argued an admittedly counterintuitive position articulated best in the story by my colleague Jeff Blackburn from the Innocence Project of Texas. He told Sontag that the politics of capital punishment make it a special case but that, by comparison, the rest of Perry's criminal justice record is admirably moderate:
Death sentences and average yearly executions have declined during [Perry's] tenure compared with that of his predecessor, George W. Bush. And persistent efforts to fix Texas’s troubled justice system have finally borne some fruit. Mr. Perry has not been a crusader, but he has signed reform-minded legislation and acknowledged some of the system’s mistakes, once referring to an exonerated prisoner’s murder conviction as a “great miscarriage of justice.”

“He has done more good than any other governor we’ve ever had,” said Jeff L. Blackburn, chief counsel of the Innocence Project of Texas. “He approaches criminal justice issues like a lay person rather than like a prosecutor or judge, which makes him open-minded and willing to embarrass the system. Unless, of course, it involves the death penalty.

“On the death penalty, Rick Perry has a profound mental block,” Mr. Blackburn continued. “The death penalty is part of our fine state’s religion; it’s somewhere up there with football. To oppose or weaken it would be like playing with dynamite, and Rick Perry, a quintessentially political person, is not going to blow himself up.”
Certainly on any issue remotely related to the death penalty Gov. Perry may be counted on to give voice to the most extremist, regressive and aggressive positions possible, blatantly pandering to what Blackburn called the "state's religion." The on-the-ground reality, though, looks much different. Sontag notes that, during Perry's tenure, the number of new death sentences in Texas steadily declined from 33 in his first year in office to seven last year, at least in part because of legislation Perry signed into law improving capital defense standards and creating a life without parole option for juries. Meanwhile, Texas passed a slew of criminal justice reform measures unrelated to the death penalty on Perry's watch. And after the Tulia scandal, on the advice of his "fixer," Jay Kimbrough, Perry boldly de-funded the state's system of regional narcotics task forces to pay for drug courts, diversion programs and border-security initiatives.

In the scheme of things, the death penalty is a minor piece of the justice system. It's worth remembering that, while seven new people were sent to death row last year, at any given moment around 750,000 adults in Texas are in prison, jail, on probation or on parole. Capital punishment may be important to many from an ideological perspective, but too often myopic focus on the death penalty by activists and the media drown out debates over issues surrounding the other 3/4 million people supervised by the Texas justice system.

Governor Perry is no reformer and his views on the justice system certainly don't reflect my own. But neither does the caricature of Rick Perry as an execution-crazed, tuff-on-crime Yosemite Sam figure stand up to close scrutiny. The Times article shows the national media is struggling to make sense of the disconnect.

See related recent Grits posts:

Rabu, 05 Oktober 2011

Bizarre commentary from parole board chief on medical parole

Photo by Jaime Carrero, Tyler Morning Telegraph
In the Tyler Morning Telegraph today there's a pretty-much workaday story about healthcare costs in the Texas Department of Criminal Justice that covers familiar ground for Grits readers. State Sen. John Whitmire is quoted decrying how much it costs to keep elderly inmates locked up and provide them constitutional levels of healthcare. And in the traditional "quote both sides" fashion of modern journalism (as though there are only two), the senator's comments are paired with Rusk County DA Michael Jimerson who told the paper, "What Whitmire should do is go to Washington and do something to change the laws so inmates don't get Cadillac health care." Jimerson "said costs shouldn't matter because the offenders are paying the price for their crimes." Same ol', same old. Money's always no object when you're spending the taxpayers' dime.

The data in the story on high geriatric health costs won't surprise Grits readers any more than the back-and-forth debate between prosecutors and budget-writers: "Records from the 2009-10 Correctional Managed Health Care report to the Texas Legislation showed offenders 55 and older averaged $4,853 in yearly medical costs, while the average for those below that age was $795." These are facts and debates most Grits readers have heard before and most of the data was accurate and well-presented, if not exactly "news." (More like "olds" - these are longstanding controversies.)

What caught my eye, though, were bizarre representations from parole board chair Rissie Owens that simply can't be justified:
Rissie Owens, presiding officer of Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles, said there long has been a misconception that offenders are entering the Texas prison system young and staying until they are old. In reality, many enter prison late in life to begin serving their sentences for crimes they committed late in life, Ms. Owens said. 
"Forty-five percent of all prison and state jail inmates received have been 55 and older at the time they entered prison to serve their sentences," she said. "It also appears that these older inmates are serving sentences for violent offenses as almost 6 percent of those 55 and older have sentences for crimes ranging from homicide, kidnapping, sexual assault, sexual assault of a child, robbery and assault/terroristic threats." 
Ms. Owens said numerous factors are reviewed during parole decisions. 
"Age is one factor, but we do not just focus on the age of each offender," she said. "The numbers indicate that there have been more offenders received at TDCJ in the age group 55 to 60 than any other age group at the time of prison entry."
I don't know why Mrs. Owens would say such things or why any reporter would publish the quote when the error is so easily debunked, but this representation is about as far from accurate as you can get.  While I can't find an apples to-apples number for received inmates 55 or over, according to the agency's annual statistical report (pdf, p. 30), in FY 2010, 6,854 inmates 50 years old or more entered TDCJ, out of 72,315 who entered Texas prisons or state jails that year. That's 9.4%, not 45%, and really the comparable number is less since my stat includes inmates received age 50 and up. Just 1,010 inmates age 60 and up entered TDCJ that year, according to the annual statistical report. So about one out of every 72 new inmates is 60 years old or older.

One might think the reporters just misinterpreted Owens' use of data or the numbers were misquoted, but her other comments make clear she believes - or wants the public to believe - that older offenders make up a large proportion of new offenders. It's just a flat-out falsehood that "The numbers indicate that there have been more offenders received at TDCJ in the age group 55 to 60 than any other age group at the time of prison entry." That's not true. Here are the number of new receives for TDCJ in FY 2010 by age range:
14-16: 28
17: 364
18-19: 3,657
20-29: 27,654
30-39: 19,324
40-49: 14,434
50-59: 5,844
60 and older: 1,010
So the suggestion that "more offenders [are] received at TDCJ in the age group 55 to 60 than any other age group" beggars belief. It's just a fabrication.

Similarly odd to me is the comment that "It also appears that these older inmates are serving sentences for violent offenses as almost 6 percent of those 55 and older have sentences for crimes ranging from homicide, kidnapping, sexual assault, sexual assault of a child, robbery and assault/terroristic threats." That explains denying medical parole for those 6%, but that also means, if accurate, that the overwhelming majority (94%) of inmates older than 55 did not commit those types of awful crimes. Should we punish them extra for the crimes of the 6%? What a strange assertion!

According to the above-cited statistical report (p. 31), 20.5% of total "new receives" at TDCJ in 2010 committed violent offenses to get there, so if the figure for violent crimes among older offenders is 6%, that's substantially lower, not some grave, extra cause for concern. It's possible to manage those 6% without applying the same release criteria to the other 94%.

All the data and analyses attributed to Mrs. Owens in this story were either a) false or b) did not support her interpretation. But it just gets quoted and repeated and for the most part, reporters don't call officials on it when they make such screwball comments.

October 6 will be Grits for Breakfast's 7th blogiversary - the first post on this blog was seven years ago tomorrow. The reason I started Grits was precisely to counter - on criminal justice topics, anyway - this brand of modern journalism where reporters don't resolve factual disputes in their stories but merely "quote both sides" without vetting statements from public officials to make sure they're telling the truth. The majority of posts on this blog have the same structure: Quote mainstream media reports then correct factual errors from self-interested or self-justifying pols who're blowing smoke up some poor reporter's ass. Though many days I find that task somewhat boring and repetitive, stories like this one show the function is just as necessary today as it was when the blog began. It's one thing to "quote both sides." It's quite another to quote lies and truth and then portray them as equivalents.